Undercurrents of Italy’s Indo-Pacific Agenda​

The MOC
The Amerigo Vespucci with flyover of Italian Frecce Tricolori. Photo from the Italian Navy and Naval News.

By Gabrielle Moran

On July 27, 2023, U.S. President Biden welcomed Italian Prime Minister Meloni to the White House for an official visit to discuss shared priorities, regional challenges, and joint commitment to providing military, economic, and humanitarian assistance to Ukraine. The visit comes ahead of Italy’s upcoming G7 presidency in 2024 and amidst a series of strategic engagements in the Indo-Pacific. Looming over the visit is anticipation of Italy’s potential exit from China’s Belt and Road Initiative (“BRI”). Failure to renew the pact in March 2024 would signal clarified transatlantic alignment on countering Chinese investment in Europe. This pivot would be a step towards Italian leadership’s articulation of an Indo-Pacific strategy.

Since taking office last fall, Meloni has affirmed Italy’s longstanding efforts to foster strategic multilateral cooperation on defense technology development, critical infrastructure resilience, and regional stability. Adhering closely to the European Union’s Strategic Compass, the Meloni government has led the charge on Mediterranean efforts to bolster energy independence across Europe, in the wake of the war in Ukraine, and to delicately redefine Europe’s relationship with China. Amidst pressure to withdraw from BRI, Meloni’s government has embarked on expansive efforts to engage partners across Southeast and East Asia.

The Italian Navy has been a critical player in advancing Italian diplomatic objectives in Asia. This year, the crew of the second Thaon di Revel-class PPA, Francesco Morosini, embarked on a five-month deployment to promote freedom of navigation operations in the Indo-Pacific. The deployment was the vessel’s first outside of Mediterranean waters and showcased the technological advancements forged by the Italian defense industry. Morosini conducted fifteen port calls in fourteen countries, participating in Singapore’s leading defense exhibition, IMDEX 2023, and joining the Multilateral Naval Exercise Komodo (MNEK) 2023 hosted by the Indonesian Navy. This month, the Amerigo Vespucci set out on a twenty-month world tour where it will overlap with the Pacific deployment of the Cavour carrier later this year or in early 2024. The Cavour will sail to Japan and carry out joint operations with allies, according to Deputy Chief of the Navy General Staff Admiral Giuseppe Berutti Bergotto. The flagship’s deployment underscores Italy’s desire to commit to greater European presence in the Indo-Pacific alongside U.S. and British forces. Greater presence signals reliability and commitment and paves the way for deepened and mutually beneficial economic ties.

Cavour’s deployment compliments ongoing bilateral efforts between Italy and Japan to stimulate cooperation on advanced technology research and development. Earlier this year, Italian Defense Minister Guido Crosetto and Italian Chief of Navy Admiral Enrico Credendino met with counterparts in Tokyo to discuss underlying geopolitical and technological challenges towards further cooperation. Following the visit, Italy, Japan, and the United Kingdom announced that work is underway to build a sixth-generation fighter aircraft, currently based on the fusion of two pre-existing projects: the Anglo-Italian Tempest and the Japanese F-X.

Further, the Italian defense industry leads the way in equipping and modernizing the fleets of key allies in the Indo-Pacific. Italian shipbuilder Fincantieri has expanded sales of Italian defense technology into Asian markets through its 2021 sale of eight FREMM-class frigates to the Indonesian Ministry of Defense. In March, industry leader Leonardo announced preliminary sales contracts for dozens of AW09s to be sold across Malaysia, Indonesia, Thailand, the Philippines, South Korea, and Vietnam. The attention paid by Italian industry and government officials to the Indo-Pacific will pay dividends for the U.S., as other NATO countries work to distribute forward presence across Europe in areas of contestation such as the Black Sea and Baltic regions.

With withdrawal from the Belt and Road Initiative still pending, onlookers are right to question how Italy might respond to increased Chinese aggression in the South China Sea. Meloni’s government will need to demonstrate the political will to pull resources from its own backyard to stake its claim as Europe’s key leader in the Indo-Pacific. Before ascending to the G7 presidency, Meloni would be wise to consider ending Italy’s participation the in Belt and Road Initiative, as a means of assuring allies that China’s Trojan horse will make no further inroads in Europe. This would solidify Italy’s commitment to standing alongside the U.S. in the Indo-Pacific by working to develop a strategy for the region.

 

Gabrielle Moran holds a BA in International Studies from the American University’s School of International Service. She has contributed to the Jerusalem Strategic Tribune,  Europe’s Edge, and The MOC. She serves as the Center’s Chief of Staff.